Ukraine

Né à Kiev, où il a fait ses études, Volodymyr Ohrysko est diplômé en droit international et en relations internationales.

Sa carrière diplomatique a débuté en 1978 au Département de Presse et d'Information du Ministère ukrainien des Affaires étrangères. Il devient ensuite successivement collaborateur du Ministre des Affaires étrangères, Conseiller d'Ambassade en Allemagne et en Autriche, puis Directeur du Département de politique étrangère du Président ukrainien.

Depuis quelques mois, Volodymyr Ohrysko est Ambassadeur d'Ukraine en Autriche et Représentant permanent de son pays auprès des Organisations internationales à Vienne.

Il présente le retour de l'Ukraine à l'Europe.

I would first of all like to begin by joining previous speakers in expressing my thanks to the organisers of the Third Coudenhove-Kalergi Meeting for their warm hospitality and their efforts to make this event a success. My special thanks extend to Mr. André Poulin and Mr. Marco Pons, the Co-Presidents of Paneurope Switzerland.

It is a great honour and privilege to be these days in Gstaad, one of the most picturesque and exquisite places in Switzerland, and address such a distinguished and respected audience on a topic that is crucial to the future of Europe.

The event that brought us here today is, to my mind, an example to be followed, for at least three reasons :

First, because of its open approach; second, because of the prospects that it opens up for us; and, third and most important, by its very content.

The bringing about of a united, prosperous, greater Europe - which is one of the aims of the Paneuropean Union - presents one of the most acute challenges. Such a Europe should, to my view, mean one simple thing : that all the countries belonging to it be given a chance on equal terms with the others to take part in creating our common future.

Why is it so important for us, Ukrainians?

Because Ukraine is and has always been one of the nations whose very existence is just unthinkable beside the European context. Therefore, today I would like to speak about Ukraine, to speak about her final and unconditional return into the European family of peoples, about our ambitious, but nevertheless realistic integration prospects, and, certainly, the difficulties we are facing on this road.

Just a week ago, we celebrated the 8^th Anniversary of Ukraine's independence. However, we did not start then from scratch. For hundreds of years, years often of bitter struggle, Ukraine has survived. The history of Ukraine is interlocked with the one of all the other European States.

Yet at the very dawn of passing millennium the Kyivan Rus - the predecessor of Ukraine - was one of the mightiest and the most influential States of that epoch. Kyivan princes were speaking on equal footing with the rest of Europe's rulers. They were making alliances and concluding treaties. They were marrying members of other royal houses and shaping international relations at those times.

By other words, Ukraine has been an integral and organic part of medieval geographical and - I have once more to emphasise it - political Europe. And what is most important, through all the hardships of the centuries past, she has retained these European roots. She has preserved her genuine European identity.

That in itself is, on one hand, testament to our national pride and spirit. But it is also a great responsibility, on the other. This was Ukrainian, but at the same time our common European history.

What do we have now?

First, today Ukraine is again the biggest - in terms of territory - country on the continent.

Second, we are among 6 most populous European States.

And third, Ukraine possesses a huge - though not yet fully materialised - political, but also economic potential.

That is why now we urgently need to adjust this rich European heritage to our current needs. Ukraine has to, so to say, fully catch up what she has missed while being for centuries deprived of her statehood. While other countries have been developing as State entities, building a common European space.

To put it shortly : we have to be fully engaged in all-European political affairs.

Moreover, on this way we must have proceeded actively. I would even assert, to some extent offensively. And that is exactly this kind of foreign policy we have been and still are pursuing. In a relatively short span of time Ukraine has made considerable achievements. To name just few of them:

First, we managed - and this I want to stress particularly - by purely peaceful means - to effectively resolve border disputes with ALL our neighbours. We have developed a cordial bilateral relationship with most of these countries. Furthermore, with some of them - and here I first of all have in mind our closest Western ally Poland - we are successfully building a strategic partnership.

Another important aspect - which should also not to be underestimated - is the level of constructive co-operation achieved in relations with the Russian Federation, our biggest Eastern neighbour. Due to great personal input of President Kuchma, our countries in just few years managed to cut up all the Gordian knots of the past.

Second, we also are closely involved in regional co-operation. Ukraine became member of the Central European Initiative. Furthermore, we became participant in annual informal meetings of the presidents of the Central European countries. The last summit at this format took place this spring in Ukrainian City of Lviv and was regarded as a big success. Ukraine is also one of the founding member States of the Organisation of Black Sea Economic Co-operation.

Third, the same applies to other multilateral events. To mention just one telling example : Kosovo crisis. President Kuchma was the first to propose as soon as the day after the outbreak of hostilities a plan of comprehensive peace. And I am proud to be a member of the Ukrainian delegation, the first foreign negotiating team and - together with Ukraine's Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk and Minister of Defence Olexander Kuzmuk - fly to Belgrade. And to present to Milosevic Ukraine's peace proposals. And try to persuade him to abide by his international obligations, stop his outrageous policy. And we are proud that Ukraine's voice and efforts have been heard. That principal points of our peaceful initiative have been incorporated into the final agreement.

But Ukraine did not stop here.

To be short : Ukraine is not user, but contributor to European and global security. We are constantly continuing to help build an enduring peace in the region, our peace-keepers being a part of the international KFOR presence in the province, as well as a part of IFOR forces in Bosnia. We got rid of the 3^rd huge nuclear potential of the world.

It would not be hyperbole to say that our country's route back to Europe had also to run through Strasbourg. That is why Ukraine joined the Council of Europe.

But this route has also to pass through Geneva and Vienna. That is exactly the reason why we are tightly engaged in Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe related matters. And as newly appointed Permanent Representative of Ukraine to the International Organisations in Vienna, I will be fully committed to further revitalisation of the OSCE's role in world politics.

But this picture of Ukraine's European engagement would be incomplete without mentioning our relations to the European Union and NATO.

Top priority and strategic goal of our foreign policy is joining EU.

We in Ukraine regard it as a gradual process. Its first stage has already been passed. Partnership and Co-operation Agreement is working quite smoothly. Now it's time to a next logical step - free trade area and associate membership.

To stress how important is the approximation to the EU, I would just State one example. In June last year, the President of Ukraine Leonid Kuchma adopted by his decree State Strategy of Integration to the European Union.

As I already said, there are also many obstacles on the way back to Europe. Most of them are of an objective nature. Sadly, but they are also part of what we inherited from the past communist decades. And here I mean such phenomena as ineffectiveness of the economic system, huge bureaucratic apparatus etc. But these are not just our inventions - they are world-wide spread. Important is that we know our problems. And we have strong will and ability to overcome them.

On the other hand, we are sometimes not happy with the western approach to the Ukrainian intentions to join Europe. Even in this hall yesterday I heard phrases like: "Europe from Portugal to Poland", "countries along Russia" etc.

In this context my question is: "What are we going to have ? Would we like to have new divided lines in Europe or new "grey zones" between an enlarged Europe and an unstable Russia ? Do we like to have another Soviet Union ? Would western countries like the repetition of the Yugoslavian crisis in Ukrainian version when our orthodox communists will have come back to power?" Be sure : in this case the events in the former Yugoslavia will seem to be a play of kids, comparing to what could happen in Ukraine.

Please, do understand me correctly. I do not like to be blackmailing anyone. I’m simply talking about the possible price of western willingness or rather unwillingness to incorporate Ukraine into the common and secure Europe. It is too important for all of us to keep silence on it. That is why I am so frank with you. As you well know : every disease is much easier to prevent, than to treat it.

Another important task of Ukrainian foreign policy is enhanced co-operation with NATO, Organisation that has proved its abilities to effectively cope with modern day crises. Ukraine was the first former Soviet Republic to join the PfP Programme. We were among the first to establish the liaison Mission in Brussels. Ukraine was the only central European country to sign the Charter on Distinctive Partnership with the Alliance. So, as you can see, Ukraine has laid good foundations for her European and transatlantic future.

To conclude, a few words about our prospects.

Continuation and new impetus, that in a nutshell is the foreign policy Ukraine intends to pursue. These are two vital and complementary strands of our policy. Continuation is not only universally expected, but also wholly understandable principle. And this continuation means that Ukraine remains a predictable and reliable partner, that we will continue as broadly as possible to co-operate with our neighbouring countries, regional institutions, international organisations. But continuation is only half of the picture.

We also need to give our foreign policy new impetus. We also need, if you like, to innovate it. This category involves rethinking and finding the right answers to the new tendencies - some positive, some negative - surfacing in our international environment. In practice, this strategic task is threefold.

First, we would further put every effort to achieve our ultimate goal : join the European Union. And I tried to explain why.

Second, Ukraine will further deepen its distinct partnership with NATO. The chronology and speed of progress on these twin fronts may - and no doubt will - differ. But they both flow from a natural desire and strong conviction of Ukrainian people to return to Europe.

Of course, our European choice means much more than just getting membership in European institutions. This has never been an aim in itself. We rather consider it as a means, as a necessary prerequisite which first of all serves to establish civil society, democracy, human rights in our country, as well as contribute to strengthening stability on the continent and world-wide.

And last, but not least, we are going to continue pursuing a policy of good neighbourhood, a policy of regional co-operation. Here I want to mention the initiative of President Kuchma to convene a Baltic Sea - Black Sea summit that starts next week in Ukraine. Symbolic is its title : "To a united Europe of the 21^st century without dividing lines". But also symbolic is that this meeting takes place in a Ukrainian town of Yalta. The town where 55 years ago the foundations for a new universal organisation were laid down. But also where in fact a decision was taken to split the continent in to two parts. And the very fact that 16 heads of State and government, as well as leaders of all the existing European organisations - OSCE and NATO, Council of Europe and BSEC and others - participate in this historical occasion bears the witness that at the cross-roads of millennium Europe is choosing the opposite way : the way from a division of the past to a unity of the future.

For in my understanding Europe is much more than a merely geographical category. It is a unity of historical and cultural traditions, but also of political visions.

And I am sure that Ukraine can and will be part of this new, greater and just Europe. At long last we will take our rightful place, confident and secure. We will walk tall, walk into that common future, walk together with the other European nations.

It is our common destiny.